Bills Regarding Taxation Must Orginate in the House of Representatives
Ability of the Bag
Historical Highlight
"All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other Bills."
— U.S. Constitution, Article I, section 7, clause 1
"No Coin shall be fatigued from the Treasury, but in Issue of Appropriations made by Law; and a regular Argument and Account of the Receipts and Expenditures of all public Coin shall be published from fourth dimension to time."
— U.S. Constitution, Article I, section 9, clause vii
/tiles/non-collection/i/i_origins_power_purse_approps_lc.xml Image courtesy of the Library of Congress The House Appropriations Committee in 1918 featuring (from left to right) future Secretary of State James F. Byrnes of Southward Carolina, sometime Speaker Joseph Cannon of Illinois, Chairman J. Swagar Sherley of Kentucky, time to come Speaker Frederick Gillett of Massachusetts, futurity Secretarial assistant of War James W. Proficient of Iowa, and future Speaker Joseph Byrns of Tennessee.
Congress—and in particular, the House of Representatives—is invested with the "power of the purse," the ability to tax and spend public money for the national government. Massachusetts' Elbridge Gerry said at the Federal Constitutional Convention that the House "was more immediately the representatives of the people, and it was a proverb that the people ought to concord the purse-strings."
Origins
English history heavily influenced the Constitutional framers. The British House of Commons has the exclusive right to create taxes and spend that revenue, which is considered the ultimate check on purple dominance. Indeed, the American colonists' cry of "No revenue enhancement without representation!" referred to the injustice of London imposing taxes on them without the benefit of a vocalisation in Parliament.
Constitutional Framing
Debate at the Ramble Convention centered on ii issues. The showtime was to ensure that the executive would not spend money without congressional authorization. The second concerned the roles the Business firm and Senate would play in setting fiscal policy.
At the Convention, the framers considered the extent to which the Senate—like the House of Lords—should exist express in its consideration of budget bills. The provision was role of a compromise betwixt the large and small states. Smaller states, which would be over-represented in the Senate, would concede the power to originate money bills to the Firm, where states with larger populations would take greater control. Speaking in favor of the provision, Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania said, "Information technology was a maxim that those who feel, can all-time judge. This end would . . . exist all-time attained, if money affairs were to be confined to the immediate representatives of the people." The provision in the committee's report to the Convention was adopted, five to three, with iii states divided on the question. The Convention reconsidered the affair over the class of ii months, but the provision was finally adopted, nine to two, in September 1787.
The constitutional provision making Congress the ultimate authority on authorities spending passed with far less fence. The framers were unanimous that Congress, as the representatives of the people, should be in control of public funds—non the President or executive co-operative agencies. This strongly-held belief was rooted in the framers' experiences with England, where the male monarch had wide latitude over spending once the coin had been raised.
The Early on Appropriations Procedure
The Commencement Congress (1789–1791) passed the offset appropriations act—a mere xiii lines long—a few months later on information technology convened. The law funded the regime, including of import pensions for Revolutionary State of war veterans, with simply $639,000—an amount in the tens of millions in real terms. This simple process was short-lived. Over time, nine regular appropriation bills emerged and funded such priorities every bit pensions, harbors, the post office, and the military. These were considered on an annual basis by the late 1850s. The House Committee on Ways and Means, which besides had jurisdiction over tax policy, controlled the appropriations procedure. Simply legislation and funding were always kept separate. Priorities were spelled out in ane police and coin appropriated for those priorities in another. This has remained the practise, as noun committees pattern authorization acts and the Firm and Senate Appropriation Committees fund authorized programs later. Indeed, at that place are laws and parliamentary rules against making new law in appropriation bills, although such rules are periodically waived.
Subsequent Reforms
In 1865, after the Civil War had created a nearly $three billion national debt and spending exceeded a billion dollars a twelvemonth, Congress reformed its funding process to handle the government's new demands. The Business firm separated the Ways and Ways Committee'south taxing and spending functions. The Appropriations Committee was established to fund programs, while Ways and Means retained jurisdiction on revenue enhancement policy. House leadership and other committees besides tried to influence the appropriations process, and the lack of coordination over the years led to high deficits and the implementation of the federal income tax in 1913. Congress passed the Budget and Accounting Act in 1921 to accost some of the coordination bug it faced funding regime programs. This police force centralized many of the budgeting functions with the President, who still has considerable agenda-setting power with the federal budget and submits a typhoon budget to Congress at the showtime of every year. The appropriations process has been reformed multiple times since 1921, including notable restructurings with the Congressional Upkeep and Impoundment Control Act of 1974 and the Gramm–Rudman–Hollings Acts of 1985 and 1987.
For Further Reading
Farrand, Max, ed. The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787. Rev. ed. 4 vols. (New Haven and London: Yale Academy Press, 1937).
Garfield, James. "National Appropriations and Misappropriations," North American Review, 270: 572–586.
Kiewiet, D. Roderick and Mathew D. McCubbins. The Logic of Delegation: Congressional Parties and the Appropriations Process. (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1991).
Kimmel, Lewis. Federal Budget and Fiscal Policy, 1789–1958. (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Establishment, 1959).
Leloup, Lance. The Fiscal Congress. (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1980).
Schick, Allen. Congress and Coin: Budgeting, Spending and Taxing. (Washington, D.C.: The Urban Institute, 1980).
—. The Federal Upkeep: Politics, Policy, Process. (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Establishment, 2000).
Selko, Daniel. The Federal Financial Organization. (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Establishment, 1940).
Stewart, Charles H., Iii. Upkeep Reform Politics: The Design of the Appropriations Procedure in the Business firm of Representatives, 1865–1921. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989).
Wildavsky, Aaron B. Budgeting and Governing. (Piscataway, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2006).
—. The New Politics of the Monetary Process. 5th ed. (New York: Longman, 2003).
Source: https://history.house.gov/Institution/Origins-Development/Power-of-the-Purse/
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